Einde inhoudsopgave
Corporate Social Responsibility (IVOR nr. 77) 2010/9.1.1
9.1.1 A short history of the political evolvements of post-colonial Nigeria
Mr. T.E. Lambooy, datum 17-11-2010
- Datum
17-11-2010
- Auteur
Mr. T.E. Lambooy
- JCDI
JCDI:ADS370656:1
- Vakgebied(en)
Ondernemingsrecht (V)
Voetnoten
Voetnoten
I. Okonta and O. Douglas, Where Vultures Feast: Shell, Human Rights and Oil (Verso: London: 2003), p. 17, referring to: O. Awolowo, Thoughts on Nigerian Constitution (Ibadan University Press: Ibadan: 1966), p. 26. Okonta is a writer and journalist. He worked closely with the late Ogoni leader Ken Saro-Wiwa and other MOSOP activists in Nigeria. Douglas was a member of the defence team that represented Saro-Wiwa in 1995. Both authors are on the management committee of the NGO Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth, Nigeria.
The exact number of ethnic groups in Nigeria is unknown. For further information on these groups, see: A.R. Mustapha, 'Ethnic Minority Groups in Nigeria: Current Situation and Major Problems', presented to the UN Commission on Human Rights, Sub-Commission on Promotion and Protection of Human Rights, Working Group on Minorities (E/CN.4/Sub. 2/AC.5/2003/WP.10), 2003.
Okonta and Douglas, supra note 2, p. 17.
Human Rights Watch, 'The Price of Oil: Corporate Responsibility and Human Rights Violations in Nigeria's Oil Producing Communities', January 1999, at: http://www.hrw.org/ reports/1999/nigeria/nigeria0199.pdf, accessed on 28 June 2010.
See: Human Rights Watch, Violence, ''Godfathers' and Corruption in Nigeria', Vol. 19, No. 16(A), October 2007, at: http://hrw.org/reports/2007/nigeria1007/, accessed on 28 June 2010.
Okonta and Douglas, supra note 2, p. 21.
Human Rights Watch (2007), supra note 6. As the report indicated, a civilian Interim National Government was established during a three-month period in 1993.
International Crisis Group, 'Report by Region, Nigeria', at: http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/west-africa/nigeria.aspx, accessed on 28 June 2008.
Following successive constitutional conferences, Nigeria achieved independence from the UK on 1 October 1960 under a coalition government led by the Nigerian People's Congress (NPC). The establishment of its new federal constitution was undertaken with the aim to "promote efficiency in, and harmonious relations and unity among, the constituent parts of the Federa-tion".1 Yet, the challenge of unifying a nation composed of over 250 ethnic groups into a federal republic turned out to be overwhelming; ethnic rivalry and the desire for greater autonomy of certain regions rapidly led to the formation of multiple political groupings and alliances with different visions.2 The emerging political parties were soon found to represent the three dominant ethnic groups: the northern Muslim Hausa/Fulani, the Yoruba in the southwest, and the Igbo, mainly Christian in the southeast.
The alleged corruption of the NPC government, mainly Hausa/Fulani, and a post-election crisis led Nigeria to its first military coup d'etat in January 1966. Although the coup failed, several key politicians, including the Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, were murdered in the attempt.3 The civil Prime Minister was replaced by a military Head of State, General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, to bring law and order along with more honest and effective government. However, his plan to create a new unitary constitution generated strong reactions from the North. They felt threatened by the southern dominance that would result from a centralised government, and another successful coup d'état was orchestrated by military officers.4 This event was followed by ethnic tension and violence all across Nigeria.5 Especially, the violence against the Igbos increased their desire for autonomy in the eastern region, where thousands of Igbos had taken refuge, with the end-result of the unilateral declaration of independence of the Republic of Biafra on 30 May 1967. This announcement sparked a civil war with the rest of the country that lasted until Biafra surrendered to the Federal Government, 31 months later.
The control of oil-related resources in this region was not indifferent to this conflict, which was described by Okonta and Douglas as "not so much a war to maintain the unity and integrity of the country [...] as a desperate gambit by the Federal Government to win back the oil fields of the Niger Delta from Biafra". This civil war was also perceived as a "watershed in the political and economic development of the peoples of the Niger Delta. It created conditions for the accelerated exploitation of their resources and the devastation of their environment".6
Following a succession of military dictators who ruled Nigeria from 19661979 and from 1983-1999,7 the country had witnessed a return to civilian rule since 1999. Nevertheless, the overall situation has not substantially improved since this return to democracy: "Ethnic and religious killings are recurrent; the over-centralisation of control over power and revenue; politicisation of ethnicity; decline of state-administered security and proliferation of non-state armed groups, notably in the oil-rich Niger Delta".8 The resulting situation in the Niger Delta is best introduced by describing the effects of oil exploitation in the region.